Schrodinger's Cat.

I stepped into my car;

Mr  Satan in the passenger seat,

And he said, “ I shall spare this life of yours,

Shall you be willing to take me to Hell’s Kitchen.”

Sensing the casual loop I said,

“Well as you like it ,Mr Baton.”

“And just what did you call me, Mr Dible?”

“I would prefer Incrad, sugarpie.”

It seemed as if a role reversal had taken place.

An implosion was imminent,

With Dark Angels too?

The wrath was infernal, swallowing everything in its path.

My brain wasn’t dead , they said,

And I had a choice to make.

To enter a parallel universe ,

To avoid sipping poison from the cup, like my friend, the cat

That was so perfectly placed, oh the effervescence.

Like Satan studied Feng Shui.

I evaded death in surrealism.

And even Satan succumbed to his own connivance.

I can see Einstein , Podolsky, and Rosen, gleaming with pride,

Smiling with my smile.

Thanks to Erwin Schrodinger,

I can still do that for a while.

India 2014: Varanasi's Roadshow Rut and the Road to Delhi

For the whole of last week, it seemed India's capital had shifted some 500 miles south east to the holy town of Varanasi. Nestled on the banks of the river Ganga, Varanasi - known locally as Kashi or Banaras, has become more than a just a town linked to the spirituality it bestows upon its visitors; it has become larger than life; for on May 12 it will bear witness to the most decisive political battle in this year's Lok Sabha elections.

Lenity would force observers into believing that the fight for the Varanasi seat is a three horse race (Uttar Pradesh's ruling Samajwadi Party (SP) isn't even in the running). This is indeed music to the ears of his detractors, but they may have to concede that Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) PM-candidate Narendra Modi is the frontrunner to wrest the key constituency. Other claimants for Varanasi include the Aam Aadmi Party's (AAP) Arvind Kejriwal, whose short-lived stint as Chief Minister of Delhi was seen as utterly tumultuous and a betrayal of those who voted for him; and the Congress's lesser known candidate Ajay Rai, who built his chequered career as a BJP legislator before defecting to the former.

The 2014 election is touted to be 'the biggest' poll of its kind, not only because of the enormity of India's voting populace (estimated to be well over 800 million), but because come May 16, the world's largest democracy is likely to witness the proverbial and electoral decimation of the ruling Congress party.

The Congress, patronized and run by the Gandhi family for decades has had a vice-like grip on the nation's political and jugular vein. Modi, who's making his first foray into national politics, is widely expected to ride the eponymous wave of fervor and anti-incumbency and form India's next government.

Holding the Congress's last stand is the family’s diffident heir Rahul Gandhi, who has failed to sway the tide in his party's favor. When all hope was lost, he even went about influencing voters in poll booths during polling in his constituency Amethi, but was let off scot free by the Election Commission of India
(EC) even after several complaints were lodged in his name.

The EC's credibility as a neutral poll body came under fire when it rejected BJP's application for Modi to hold a rally in Varanasi's Benia Bagh, but granted his opponents including Kejriwal, Gandhi and Uttar Pradesh's Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav permission to campaign at the same venue.

Making the most of what he could, Modi instead led a gargantuan roadshow from the Kashi's prestigious Banaras Hindu University (BHU) to the party's headquarters in the city. The three mile stretch took more than four hours to cover, as hordes of supporters and townsfolk thronged the streets to catch a rare glimpse of a man who could very well be India's next Prime Minister. Beyond doubt, Modi's procession made a greater impact than a rally ever would have. Such was its success that it forced his political rivals to stage roadshows of their own.

"If Modi comes, can Kejriwal be far behind?" asks one observer, who witnessed all the other Modi-induced rallies. Kejriwal indeed wasn't far behind. A day after Modi came and conquered Kashi, "Kejriwal was met with many supporters, but this didn't seem quite different to his protest rallies and his dharna," he adds. Only a few months ago, Kejriwal graduated from full time agitator to bit-part politician to unsettled administrator. His party has come of age a little too quickly, but it seems it hasn't quite shaken off its cantankerous side.

Only days earlier, Modi addressed a massive rally in the Gandhi’s bastion Amethi, which came as an alarm to the first family. It didn't come as much of a surprise when Gandhi returned Modi's favor, showing up with his own motorcade in Varanasi in a relatively meek show of strength. Much to the former’s dismay, not only was his Kashi rally dwarfed by Modi's, he had to deal with a rival procession a few miles away from his own – Akhilesh Yadav's. Yadav's rally had no real purpose behind it, except perhaps, to avoid a loss of face in the state he has sloppily ruled.

As has become quite fashionable this election, all three men went all guns blazing on Modi. What they didn't realize however is that, in an attempt to emulate Modi and throw dirt on him, they have actually played into his hands. Not only is Modi expected to win a majority of the Hindu vote (Hindus comprise 85% of Varanasi's population); the close contest between the other parties will ensure that the minority vote is split between the three. Modi couldn’t ask for more.

In all honesty, the Varanasi roadshow rut was unnecessary yet exuberant. For once, it did illuminate the 'City of Lights'; probably like never before, or after.

'2 States' bears testimony to India's cultural divisions

Not many books or movies successfully capture the oneness of India despite all of its diversity. Few go further and capture how divided it is despite its oneness.

Based on and named after Chetan Bhagat's book, 2 States (inspired by the real life romance between the author and his wife) does exactly that.

An appropriately vivid tale about how two contrasting India cultures are made to reconcile in the face of love, 2 States is utterly Indian in every sense of the word, evokes both pride and dismay, and will leave you yearning for more.

If you haven't read the book (I haven't), you should definitely watch the movie for the whole package - emotion, laughter, humour, and a good story to back it up. All of these you can find in Bhagat's other works (which later spawned movies of their own), and he knows how fully well how to bubble-wrap all these elements in his lucid manner.

Back to the movie. Not only did it leave me satisfied, it also gave me many things to think and talk about but perhaps the one thing that got me thinking was this:

For Delhiites and Punjabi Delhiites in particular, 2 States reinforces the idea of the typical Punjabi and the stereotype that revolves around the community. As the reel ticked on, I saw glimpses of myself, my folks, and my community as a whole. Reality bites hard for the Punjabi viewer when we are seen as an unabashedly disparate, undesirably boisterous lot (which we kinda are). Though the references are mostly correct, the film purveys the idea that Punjabi-ness is in a way, some kind of a cultural abomination to and in India.

Post-show, the more I ponder over what I saw, the more it makes me realize that maybe the Punjabi Delhiite wasn't actually inaccurately represented. Since I work in the Middle East, where several thousand Indians ship out to make a better living, the very mention of 'Delhiite' is enough to cause an unexpected flinch of the eye. A latent awkwardness that pervades the air for a second. Add to that the term 'Punjabi', and it may well be enough to give a 'Tamilian' worry lines all over his forehead.

Much to my surprise, this isn't what happens in '2 States'; at least between the lovers. A Punjabi Krish (hardly the typical Punjabi munda) and an uncharacteristically Tamilian Ananya , the two central characters played by Arjun Kapoor and Alia Bhatt respectively, find common ground in everything else - tandoori chicken, Economics and the simplest relationship between two persons - friendship. The stark difference in their backgrounds only begins to appear once they decide to get married and bring their parents into the picture.

And you guessed right: the parents simply do not get along with one another as prevailing cultural stigmas get fortified, with neither side refusing to budge.

Throw in a Punjabi wedding for good measure, and one truly begins to understand the deep chasm north Indian culture vis-a-vis the south. We are loud; they are reticent. We are overly possessive; they are indifferent. When under the influence, we are fun and yet a menace to deal with; they're perennially wonkish. All this and more brings out the incongruity of India's varied cultures.

I don't know whether this movie will draw the ire of Punjabis (or even Tamilians); whether it will encourage them to improve how they interact with other communities (better yet), or simply choose not to react to it.

I do know that while there is a minority of revisionists within the Punjabi community, most of us take pride in what we do, eat and drink. It is the way how the Punjabi simply is, and I believe a lot of it should remain as it is. Though I am among the most passive, I can speak for Punjabis, because I am one. We all need to speak up and sometimes against our folks.

Beyond a shadow of a doubt, 2 States bears testimony to India's cuItural divisions. In the India we want our children to live in, it should be absolutely acceptable for a Tamilian to marry a Punjabi, an Assamese to wed a Gujarati, or for any two Indians to whom community comes second to love.

All in all this movie is a treat to watch. Perseverance conquers all.

BJP may form India's next Government, but with Congress' support

 

There comes a time in the history of every great nation, when its citizens see a ray of hope out of despair; an opportunity to rewrite history, and to take the country to where it deserves to be.

For better or for worse, it is in Modi that a majority of Indians see the egress out of the era of political gloom and despondency institutionalized by a rarefied Congress-led UPA regime. His continual surge has brought him a fair share of critics and bounty hunters, who hold him culpable for orchestrating the unfortunate riots in Gujarat - a charge still unproven even after 10 years of inquests, accusations and political coercion. He has successfully warded off even his most formidable baiters, winning election after election, going from strength to strength.

From selling tea on the streets of Vadnagar to heading one of the fastest growing states in India, Modi's meteoric rise is viewed as a harbinger for positive change in India.

The 'Modi wave' is reverberating across the country. Much to the dismay of his opponents, it is very much present.

But it seems the BJP clearly isn't using this to its advantage. It is banking on the support of the Congress to win next month's Lok Sabha election.

Instead of riding the wave of anti-incumbency and propelling its home-grown candidates to win the election, the BJP has instead hired celebrities; and imported candidates from parties symbolic of graft, to secure its Mission 272+. Such electoral temerity does the saffron juggernaut no favours. In fact, it reeks of shambolism.

The very leaders that had denounced Modi as 'communal' are now singing paeans in his name. When leaders of 'secular' formations like the Congress, RJD and the JDU chose to defect to the BJP, it has little to do with ideology and everything to do with cashing in on an opportunity. Who's to say they won't do the same when the BJP is in dire straits? Candidates that shift base months prior to the election cannot be trusted to stick with the party. The late Vidya Charan Shukla was a prime example of such a flip-flopper.

The grassroot workers; who toil all year round and play an elemental role in a party's electoral performance, do not possess the same zest and motivation in ensuring the victory of rookie film star politicians and tainted ex-opponents, whom they perceive as encroachers of their political territory, foisted upon them by the party.

To the Indian voters, who have vowed to deracinate any remnants of the UPA regime, it is highly disheartening to see ex-Congressmen stand for elections wearing saffron. It is almost like voting for the wolf in sheep's clothing.

While the BJP may like to view its newfound allure as a wider acceptance of Modi's leadership, the influx of outsiders has also exposed the latent cracks within its leadership.

In a painful kerfuffle over the Barmer seat, ex-Finance and Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh, who was one of the pillars of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led Government, has been snubbed by the BJP for former Congress leader Colonel Sonaram Chaudhary. Singh, with his pride intact, will now contest as an Independent candidate, which may well cost the party the Barmer seat.

Not all has gone wrong. Wisdom prevailed over the BJP leadership when they decided to oust religious extremist Pramod Muthalik, within five hours of his joining the party.

This is why the BJP must ride the Modi wave, and hand out tickets to candidates who would have otherwise had little chance to win an election. It has attacked the Congress for presiding over a dark decade of corruption and misgovernance. If the defections and chicanery continue, the BJP may soon have a mini-Congress clique within its ranks.

In over a month and a half, the Indian electorate will have spoken. And we may well have a BJP-led Government with the support of the Congress.      

Kejriwal's open threat to press freedom may be his undoing

A few weeks back the internet was flooded with articles about how the pulping of Wendy Doniger's book The Hindus was a threat to freedom of expression in India.

Most of these pieces, written by writers who claimed to be of a 'secular' disposition squarely blamed this ‘atmosphere of fear’ on the religious right, whose emergence they forewarned would stifle free speech. 

In one way or another, they presaged that a right leaning government would curb dissent to the fullest extent possible.

What is interesting to note is that these very same ‘secularists' have been sympathetic to Arvind Kejriwal and the Aam Aadmi Party since its inception. That the rise of Kejriwal and the AAP is the handiwork of the mainstream media is perhaps, a foregone conclusion.

Now, almost like an auctioneer, the former Chief Minister of Delhi claims that the media - that facilitated his rise - is in fact "sold". 

If this wasn't enough, in a comment reminiscent of the Emergency-era, he opines that "heavy amounts have been paid" to TV channels "to promote Modi".

So are we to assume that Kejriwal, who was recently exposed in a video fixing an interview broadcast with Aaj Tak's Punya Prasun Bajpai, has paid 'heavy amounts' to the channel to promote him. 

More appalling yet, was his statement that if the AAP ever comes to power, "media-wallahs" could actually be put behind bars. Isn't this what stifling of freedom of expression is? No government in India, save for Indira Gandhi's tyrannous regime, has threatened to put journalists behind bars for doing their job.

When asked whether he had made these comments, Kejriwal simply couldn't admit he had done a 'Romney'.

To understand this issue better, there are a few questions that we need to answer.

Is Indian media biased - Sure. The very fact that he is surrounded by a coterie of former journalists who are 'senior' leaders in his party - Manish Sisodia and Shazia Ilmi (formerly Zee News), Ashutosh (formerly IBN 7) and Ashish Khaitan (ex-Tehelka) prove this point.

Is the media sold? Maybe, but we don't know for sure. 

Do media-wallahs deserve to be jailed for their bias? Well, Kejriwal says so. 

The real question is - Why does Kejriwal make such accusations only against the Gujarat Chief Minister, and not members the Congress-led UPA Government at the Centre?

Well, why does Kejriwal only make accusations and more accusations? Only he knows. What we do know is that he has mastered the art of 'hit and run' politics. No to क्रन्तिकारी!

It was only a matter of time before Kejriwal took his sophomoric jibes to the next level. 

Of recent, he has tried hard to throw dirt at the BJP and its Prime-Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi. Taking repeated potshots at the Gujarat Chief Minister using unfounded statistics is part of his feeble attempt to remain relevant.

Although it is hard for him to acknowledge, Kejriwal too, has been swept by the Modi wave.

It is perhaps the first time in India's history that an opposition party hopeful of forming the next Government has been targeted as though it already is in power.

Modi has had to brave a fair share of allegations for over a decade. Not once has he intimidated journalists or the media who have gone against his writ with incarceration.

Just as the Congress perceives itself to be the voice of 'secularism', Kejriwal sees himself as the custodian of 'righteousness'. And this is where he proves to be ahead of his political progenitors - Kejriwal simply cannot deal with criticism or dissent.

Kejriwal promises he has a plan for India, and he may well have one; but we are yet to see it in full. But he isn't a protester anymore; he is a politician.

Whether he is able handle criticism with care, only time will tell. What he cannot afford to do is threaten free speech and a free media. His tomfoolery may be his undoing.