5 things Kejriwal needs to do for Delhi right away

Yes, it was a clean 'sweep'.
Yes, it is good for democracy.
Yes, they did a Modi on Modi.
Yes, it's all gone Pete Tong for the BJP in Delhi.
Yes, it is the the dawning of a new era in Delhi politics.

What next?

It is perhaps, a no brainer that the people of Delhi - and by extension - India, are impatient.

Which also means that post Valentine's Day, Kejriwal needs to hit the ground running - popularity contest winners aren't afforded honeymoon periods. Ask Modi.

The vote was as decisive as it was unforeseeable and necessary. Pop the champagne, but at your own peril, for the young voters of Delhi are as fretful as they come. They swing easily.

Here are 5 things Kejriwal needs to keep in mind: 

1. Respect the historic mandate: The people do not forgive twice

Making history is second nature to the mufflerman. But never in his wildest dreams would anyone have anticipated such a lopsided election result in favour of the AAP.

What it means is that Kejriwal has the opportunity of a lifetime. With an opposition small enough to fit inside a Tata Nano, the former taxman really has enough elbow room to turn Delhi into the world-class city it deserves to be. Stamp his imprint over the city-state with authority, and he may well be able to keep the 'big two' out of power for decades to come.

Anything less than that would be simply unacceptable. The people do not forgive twice.

2. Live up to the promise of new politics

The Aam Aadmi Party's Election Manifesto was quite the model vision document. Curated and developed based on the party's successful 'Delhi Dialogue(s)', the manifesto is replete with freebies and promises that the party may find hard to keep.

In my opinion, the six most immediate objectives of the new Delhi Government should be (as promised and in no particular order): Electricity bills halved, pollution control, right to water, women's safety and security, full statehood, and the much vaunted and awaited Jan Lokpal Bill.

Though not impossible, the Kejriwal sarkar would find it hard to deliver on these promises. Of course, this would require a great deal of political tact (with which he is blessed in abundance) and a wee bit of quid pro quo with the Centre.

3. Put an end to confrontational politics: Stop blaming, start fixing

For some, power corrupts. Others, it makes them wiser, almost statesmanlike. Ask Modi.

Kejriwal sarkar has all the makings of a stable government: the mandate, the mood and the mantra. The AAP government mustn't govern in a manner that evokes memories of its shambolic 49-day first stint in power.

The politics of accusations and confrontations must come to an end. Dharnas suit the protester and not the administrator Kejriwal. If anything at all, start fixing the very things you promised to change, and you will earn a place in the capital's storied history.

4. Institutions of democracy have to be respected

Democracy in India is alive, free and fair, only because of: yes, you guessed it: The Election Commission. To accuse the most impartial national body of bias is, how do I put it: "Aapko shobha nahi deta".

Only last year, weeks after Kejriwal resigned as Chief Minister, he lashed out at the media for being "sold" to Modi, by Modi, for Modi. He also claimed he would "put media-wallahs behind bars" for this. Whether he really meant what he said is anybody's guess.

But now that he's CM-designate (for the second time), we would expect Kejriwal to exercise caution before he opens his gab.

5. Govern first, spread base later 

The AAP's astonishing political comeback would have solidified the belief within the party that it is destined for greater things. While it is healthy to aim for the stars, the insemination must be put on hold.

Before spreading its honest tentacles elsewhere, the Harry Potters must use their brooms to rid Delhi of the filth it is mired in. AAP must deliver good governance in the capital, and make Delhi its bastion, before they look to break new ground (Punjab).

....

A word of advice to both Kejriwal and Modi: Stop dreaming about the next Lok Sabha election.

In 2019, Modi could still be the only mass leader with a nationwide appeal, which may buttress his candidacy for a consecutive stint as Prime Minister, a first for the BJP. But resting on laurels may do his chances more harm than good. As we have learnt, peerless oratory and emphatic promises may win you an election, but a nation with a culture of restiveness entrenched in its DNA forgives no one. Ask the Congress.

As for Arvind, there's a long way to go before he's crowned Prime Minister. Going by the average of the incumbent and his predecessor, it'll roughly take you 13 years from the day of your first important assignment (CMship in his case) before you become Pradhan Mantri. Also, considering that he heads a party which hasn't yet gone national, it's wise to add 2-5 more years for good measure. So ideally, Kejriwal's best chance of becoming Prime Minister would be in 2019. Hold your horses till then, Mr. Muffler Man!

India 2014: Varanasi's Roadshow Rut and the Road to Delhi

For the whole of last week, it seemed India's capital had shifted some 500 miles south east to the holy town of Varanasi. Nestled on the banks of the river Ganga, Varanasi - known locally as Kashi or Banaras, has become more than a just a town linked to the spirituality it bestows upon its visitors; it has become larger than life; for on May 12 it will bear witness to the most decisive political battle in this year's Lok Sabha elections.

Lenity would force observers into believing that the fight for the Varanasi seat is a three horse race (Uttar Pradesh's ruling Samajwadi Party (SP) isn't even in the running). This is indeed music to the ears of his detractors, but they may have to concede that Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) PM-candidate Narendra Modi is the frontrunner to wrest the key constituency. Other claimants for Varanasi include the Aam Aadmi Party's (AAP) Arvind Kejriwal, whose short-lived stint as Chief Minister of Delhi was seen as utterly tumultuous and a betrayal of those who voted for him; and the Congress's lesser known candidate Ajay Rai, who built his chequered career as a BJP legislator before defecting to the former.

The 2014 election is touted to be 'the biggest' poll of its kind, not only because of the enormity of India's voting populace (estimated to be well over 800 million), but because come May 16, the world's largest democracy is likely to witness the proverbial and electoral decimation of the ruling Congress party.

The Congress, patronized and run by the Gandhi family for decades has had a vice-like grip on the nation's political and jugular vein. Modi, who's making his first foray into national politics, is widely expected to ride the eponymous wave of fervor and anti-incumbency and form India's next government.

Holding the Congress's last stand is the family’s diffident heir Rahul Gandhi, who has failed to sway the tide in his party's favor. When all hope was lost, he even went about influencing voters in poll booths during polling in his constituency Amethi, but was let off scot free by the Election Commission of India
(EC) even after several complaints were lodged in his name.

The EC's credibility as a neutral poll body came under fire when it rejected BJP's application for Modi to hold a rally in Varanasi's Benia Bagh, but granted his opponents including Kejriwal, Gandhi and Uttar Pradesh's Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav permission to campaign at the same venue.

Making the most of what he could, Modi instead led a gargantuan roadshow from the Kashi's prestigious Banaras Hindu University (BHU) to the party's headquarters in the city. The three mile stretch took more than four hours to cover, as hordes of supporters and townsfolk thronged the streets to catch a rare glimpse of a man who could very well be India's next Prime Minister. Beyond doubt, Modi's procession made a greater impact than a rally ever would have. Such was its success that it forced his political rivals to stage roadshows of their own.

"If Modi comes, can Kejriwal be far behind?" asks one observer, who witnessed all the other Modi-induced rallies. Kejriwal indeed wasn't far behind. A day after Modi came and conquered Kashi, "Kejriwal was met with many supporters, but this didn't seem quite different to his protest rallies and his dharna," he adds. Only a few months ago, Kejriwal graduated from full time agitator to bit-part politician to unsettled administrator. His party has come of age a little too quickly, but it seems it hasn't quite shaken off its cantankerous side.

Only days earlier, Modi addressed a massive rally in the Gandhi’s bastion Amethi, which came as an alarm to the first family. It didn't come as much of a surprise when Gandhi returned Modi's favor, showing up with his own motorcade in Varanasi in a relatively meek show of strength. Much to the former’s dismay, not only was his Kashi rally dwarfed by Modi's, he had to deal with a rival procession a few miles away from his own – Akhilesh Yadav's. Yadav's rally had no real purpose behind it, except perhaps, to avoid a loss of face in the state he has sloppily ruled.

As has become quite fashionable this election, all three men went all guns blazing on Modi. What they didn't realize however is that, in an attempt to emulate Modi and throw dirt on him, they have actually played into his hands. Not only is Modi expected to win a majority of the Hindu vote (Hindus comprise 85% of Varanasi's population); the close contest between the other parties will ensure that the minority vote is split between the three. Modi couldn’t ask for more.

In all honesty, the Varanasi roadshow rut was unnecessary yet exuberant. For once, it did illuminate the 'City of Lights'; probably like never before, or after.